Border and Rule

Notes

Introduction

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Confronting gentrification is about opposing those who represent and reproduce structural and spatial injustice, not about preventing the movement of oppressed people seeking safety and dignity.

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One refugee may summon pity, but large groups are painted as a threat.

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systems of power that create migrants yet criminalize migration.

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formation and function of borders as a spatial and material power structure.

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CHAPTER 1 Historic Entanglements of US Border Formation

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In total, the US seized more than 525,000 square miles of territory in Mexico, shifting the border south, and rendering Mexicans living in what was now the US “a conquered people.”

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liberal narrative of a “nation of immigrants” is grossly inaccurate, erasing the violence of conquests and borders upon Mexican, Indigenous, Black, and colonized communities to produce the sanitized myth of a melting pot.

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“We did not cross the border, the border crossed us”

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twenty-five million acres of ethnically cleansed land

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Johnson-Reed Immigration Act imposed national origins quotas based on existing census numbers, drastically limiting especially Jewish and Slavic immigration from southern and eastern Europe. The purpose of this act was to maintain a white settler polity favoring settlement from northern and western Europe. The act additionally extended a prohibition on all Asian immigration and effectively excluded those from other non-European countries on the basis of racial undesirability.

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A quarter of adults alive today in the US are direct descendants of those who profited from Homestead Act’s legacy of exclusive, racialized property ownership and economic mobility

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“[T]he global positioning of Black life as enslaveable placed Black migrants in a structural position that differs from other migrants of color.”

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The criminalization of the presumed idleness and unemployment of Black people as “vagrancy” was a critical weapon to coerce Black people to sign exploitative labor contracts.

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the position of Black people in the US as one of an “eternal internal alien.”

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The “afterlife of slavery,” as Hartman pens, means “black lives are still imperiled and devalued by a racial calculus and a political arithmetic that were entrenched centuries ago.

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While Anglo-European settlers were welcomed, actually encouraged as part of the settler-colonial project to eliminate Indigenous jurisdiction

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claims of both heterosexual luring of white women by Chinese men and the gendering of Chinese men as effeminate or gay.

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narratives of productive citizens versus deviant others. The border was thus a central modality for state formation, hierarchical social ordering, and population control

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Within a decade, and in just two counties, 187,000 acres of land were expropriated from Tejanx for Anglo- settler ranchers.

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Anglo settlers were terrified the uprising would spread into Texas and result in the re-appropriation of property they now claimed.

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Vigilantes and state officials acted in concert using sheer force to enforce a color bar in the labor force and terrorize Mexicans and Mexican Americans through beatings, torture, shootings, and mass decapitations. Thousands of Mexican Americans were killed during La Matanza (the period of massacres)

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US Border Patrol’s first generation of agents was recruited from the ranks of the Texas Rangers and Klansmen

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argue that the first US border formation predated the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo and actually took place in California during the years of genocidal conquest. Vigilantes inspired by these militia expeditions killed 6,460 Indigenous people beginning in 1846, and 100,000 Indigenous people were later killed during the California Gold Rush. Throughout the height of the gold rush, hundreds of Mexicans, including miners, were also lynched by vigilante mobs.

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1871 massacre where white vigilantes killed 10 percent of all Chinese people in Los Angeles

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An Act to Protect Free White Labor against Competition with Chinese Coolie Labor

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While the early anti-immigrant vigilante mobs in California were often made up of white working men, they were primarily organized and funded by capitalist interests to break class solidarity

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Nearly 20 percent of the entire Mexican population in the US was deported, a move described by Mae Ngai as “a racial expulsion program exceeded in scale only by the Native American removals of the nineteenth century.”

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War veterans, in fact, comprise one-third of Border Patrol agents.

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there is a homology to domestic and foreign conquest

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CHAPTER 2 US Wars Abroad, Wars at Home

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contrary to the myth of being overburdened by generosity, [the US] accepts less than 1 percent of the world’s displaced population.

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question of US reparations and responsibility for displacement and migration. US politicians preoccupied with border fortification hypocritically violate the borders of the places they bomb, mine, and pollute.

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these migrations from “over there” are “our problem” because they are inextricable from displacements created by US dirty wars backing death squads and the counterinsurgency terror of the neoliberal war on drugs.

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US immigration policies were not only parallel to but a fulcrum between domestic and global warfare.

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Nixon’s successful transformation of large portions of the white working class into Republican voters by exploiting their racial hostility toward Black communities.

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“The US did not confront a crime problem that was then racialized; it confronted a race problem that was then criminalized.”

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the prison is itself a border

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within a decade almost all migration from Mexico was deliberately made illegal

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the gendered and racialized retreat of the welfare state alongside the criminalization of nonviolent offenses led to a 2,800 percent increase in the number of female prisoners, especially Black women, between 1970 and 2001.

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Reagan also illegally sold arms and trained the right-wing Contra mercenaries against the communist Sandinistas

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The CIA-backed Battalion 316 used the Argentinian model of “eliminating subversives” to kidnap and kill hundreds of Honduran dissidents, student leaders, unionists, journalists, and communists

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The US provided six billion dollars’ worth of military aid and training to death squads to crush the communist, peasant, and Indigenous cadres of the FMLN

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In the early 1900s, a US coup installed Manuel Bonilla in Honduras. Bonilla ensured a windfall for the monopoly interests of the United Fruit Company (now Chiquita)

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In 1932, pressured by US companies and local landed oligarchs operating vast coffee plantations in El Salvador, the US government deployed the navy to support Maximiliano Hernández Martínez’s military government in quashing a peasant rebellion led by Farabundo Martí

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orchestrated a coup against Jacobo Árbenz in 1954 and installed a military regime to reverse Árbenz’s agrarian reform and land redistribution.

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“The war on drugs is a long-term fix to capitalism’s woes, combining terror with policy-making in a seasoned neoliberal mix, cracking open social worlds and territories once unavailable to globalized capitalism.”

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W. E. B. Du Bois famously asserted, “The United States is at war with Haiti.”

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The despotic regimes of François Duvalier and his son, Jean-Claude Duvalier, killed tens of thousands of Haitians, imprisoned even more in the dreaded Fort Dimanche torture camp, and fueled a massive exodus of refugees, yet were propped up by the US for nearly three decades as counterpoints to communist Cuba.

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in 2004, the US, France, and Canada staged a second coup against Jean-Bertrand Aristide and his pro-poor Lavalas party.

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The long shadow of attempts to subjugate Haiti provides the context for Haitian mass migration and ensuing mass expulsion from the US in the 1980s.

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refugees characterized as fleeing despotic communist People’s Army and Viet Cong forces were rescued and welcomed

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Wealthy, white, anti-Castro Cubans were also openly welcomed

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While free trade agreements (FTAs) are considered a new phenomenon, they perpetuate the pattern pioneered by the British East India Company of using trade to establish and subordinate markets for the benefit of imperial ruling class interests.

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laws to open the doors to multinational companies to invade our territories

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export- oriented manufacturing sector with multinational subsidiaries benefiting from duty-free imports of raw materials and equipment. Maquiladoras (border assembly plants) produced everything from televisions to vehicle parts in bordered zones of transnational capital investment and union-free labor.

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over 1.3 million Mexican farmers were pushed into bankruptcy within the first decade of NAFTA.

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The wage gap between jobs in the US and Mexico widened, and real Mexican wages grew by just 2.3 percent.

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NAFTA opened communal Indigenous and peasant landholdings to fee-simple private ownership, and later reforms sanctioned land seizures for debt collection.

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By the year 2000, more than 1.6 million workers toiled in four thousand maquiladoras, 90 percent of which were US-owned, and set the de facto wage floor for manufacturing across the continent.

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Before NAFTA, Indigenous people made up 7 percent of migrants from Mexico, but a decade later, they constituted 29 percent.

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During Clinton’s tenure, Washington slashed funding for public housing by $17 billion (a reduction of 61 percent) and boosted corrections by $19 billion (an increase of 171 percent)

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explicitly positioning immigration policy as a national security issue. DHS merged twenty-two federal agencies, including Border Patrol and the Immigration and Naturalization Service, and took control of the newly minted ICE.

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preemption became the norm, a carte blanche for permanent wars and overt rather than covert use of force

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“The US invaded Afghanistan under the pretext of ‘women rights’ but the only thing it brought on our women in the past eighteen years is violence, murder, sexual violence, suicide and self- immolation, and other misfortunes.”

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In Iraq, at least 2.4 million people have been killed since the US-led invasion in 2003

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babies in Fallujah have birth defects rates nearly eleven times higher than normal.

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private prisons with detention-bed mandates requiring the filling of at least thirty-four thousand detention beds across the country every day

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Section 287(g) agreements. Under these agreements, the DHS deputized local police and law enforcement officers to perform the enforcement functions of federal immigration agents.

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one thousand local law enforcement jurisdictions were linked to ICE and FBI databases, nearly doubling deportation rates

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Under Nobel Peace Prize winner Obama, the US dropped 26,171 bombs—an average of three bombs every hour

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CHAPTER 3 Dispossession, Deprivation, Displacement: Reframing the Global Migration Crisis

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Many garment factories operate in Bangladesh’s export processing zones (EPZs)

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Unionization is prohibited in the zones and a specialized policing unit, the newly minted Industrial Police force, suppresses any worker mobilizations.

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the full throttle of neoliberal privatization and union busting in EPZs is evident in the very configuration of an EPZ as an extranational bordered area.

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Women make up 90 percent of the millions of exploited workers in these zones worldwide.

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Approximately 10 percent of members of parliament in 2013 were also garment industry owners, and Bangladeshi law is inked by these industry magnates

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the Chittagong zone was advertised on the international market as having the world’s cheapest labor.

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A mantra of neoliberal deregulation is the privatization of profit and socialization of risk.

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Tricontinental Institute has found iPhone workers in China, for example, are twenty-five times more exploited today than textile workers in nineteenth-century England.

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expansion of debt is as essential to neoliberalism as privatization and financialization in order to immobilize and impose precarity on the workforce.

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microcredit lenders often charge exorbitant interest rates and require almost instant repayment, thus creating a cycle of debt.

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One in three Bangladeshi children is at risk from climate disasters and, according to one estimate, one in seven people in the country will be displaced by climate change by 2050.

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Weather disasters and riverbank erosion have already displaced 6.5 million people and destroyed hundreds of thousands of hectares of crops.

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Two thousand people move to the capital city daily, and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) estimates that 70 percent are fleeing environmental shock.

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In urban areas like Dhaka, dubbed the world’s most crowded city, slum fires in densely packed and inflammable dwellings are a common occurrence. A single blazing fire in 2019 destroyed fifteen thousand homes and displaced over fifty thousand people.

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One billion residents inhabit slums worldwide, estimated to reach three billion by 2030.

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“The root cause of urban slumming seems to lie not in urban poverty but in urban wealth.”

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in just one year, seven million people left Bangladesh.

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Just three countries —Turkey, Pakistan, and Uganda—are home to 6.3 million refugees

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less than 1 percent of refugees living in camps around the world find a permanent home

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“Arguments that favor formalization of customary land rights expose motives that are less in the interest of women’s tenure security and more inclined toward supporting commercial interests in land.”

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Climate disasters displace an average of 25.3 million people annually—one person every one to two seconds—representing an astounding 86 percent of all internal displacement.

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projections for global climate displacement ranging as high as one billion people.

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US-based industries have polluted our world with seven hundred times more emissions than the entire Northern Triangle of Central America, and the overall ecological debt owed to poor countries by rich ones is estimated at forty-seven trillion dollars.

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The UN’s refugee convention does not recognize economic or climate displacement.

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PART 2 “Illegals” and “Undesirables”: The Criminalization of Migration

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CHAPTER 4 Bordering Regimes

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the vice chairperson of the Tohono O’odham Nation, Verlon Jose, responded, “Over my dead body will a wall be built.”

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four border governance strategies: exclusion, territorial diffusion, commodified inclusion, and discursive control.

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debilitation is a state of being causing slow death that is endemic to capitalist and imperialist plunder.

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Together, Canadians and Europeans represent almost one-half of all US immigration overstay violations but are rarely detained.

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construct the nation-state as “simultaneously vulnerable, victimized, righteous, and powerful.”

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To be a modern state, in fact, presupposes the existence of a secured border.

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Despite liberal myths of the presumption of innocence, all carceral institutions are subtended by the presumption of guilt as their central logic.

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mass incarceration “functions more like a caste system than a system of crime control,”

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the border is elastic, and the magical line can exist anywhere.

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Some of the most progressive welfare states, such as the Nordic countries or Canada, have some of the strictest restrictions on undocumented people accessing welfare, healthcare, education, childcare, or even a driver’s license. This mutates the working class—nurses, teachers, social workers—into border guards, and the reproduction of borders becomes a workplace ritual.

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CBP has expansive interior jurisdiction, including legal powers to stop and search vehicles one hundred miles inward from the border—zones where roughly two-thirds of people in the country live.

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making the lives of undocumented people intolerable in order to encourage self-deportation.

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commodified inclusion of migrants and refugees as undocumented or temporary workers with deliberately deflated labor power

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migrants as deportable subjects, who are not actually deported if they remain compliant laborers.

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Refugees are often characterized as fleeing persecution in search of safety, while migrants are depicted as “bogus refugees” moving for economic reasons and hence undeserving of protection.

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The distinction between refugees and migrants, however, is blurry

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The terrorism of extraction and the precarity of war are not easily teased apart. As Teju Cole tells us, “Sometimes the gun aimed at your head is grinding poverty, or endless shabby struggle, or soul crushing tedium.”

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Aimé Césaire condemned Europeans because they “tolerated Nazism before it was inflicted on them … because, until then, it had been applied only to non- European peoples.”

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Convention codifies the right to seek asylum from persecution but does not require signatory states to actually grant asylum.

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“the definition of the border increasingly refers not to the territorial limit of the state but to the management practices

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The coast guard describes its work as enforcing immigration laws at sea, claiming that “intercepting these offenders at sea means they can be safely returned to their country of origin without the costly processes required if they had successfully entered the United States.”

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The widely reported kidnappings of migrants—almost 9,800 in Mexico within six months—are not random acts of violence by crime syndicates, but rather reflect the deliberate reorganization of social and property relations as the war on drugs conjoins with the war on migrants.

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“the Guatemalan border with Chiapas is now our southern border.”

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During its first year of implementation, over fifty- nine thousand people were turned back into Mexico to have their asylum claims processed, and only eleven people were granted asylum in the US.

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Seventy thousand other migrants disappeared in Mexico between 2006 and 2016—what the Mesoamerican Migrant Movements calls “a migrant holocaust”—and thousands more were assaulted and raped. Eighty percent of Central American migrant women reported sexual extortion and rape.

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CHAPTER 5 Australia and the Pacific Solution

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Seventy-five percent of the world’s mining companies are based in Canada, responsible for a disproportionate amount of the world’s mining-related rights violations.

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Half the Indigenous people forcibly relocated to Flinders Island died.

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One-third of the South Sea Islanders died

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Nauru received just 7.6 percent of revenues from phosphate mining in 1964, and 80 percent of Nauruan lands were strip-mined for export in the global fertilizer industry

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In a stunning indictment of its own colonial administration, Australia declared Nauru uninhabitable in the 1960s

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When faced with a government-commissioned review cataloging violence including sexual assault of children and guards coercing sexual favors from women, then– Australian prime minister Tony Abbott disgustingly retorted, “Things happen.”

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commented, “This tragedy may have an upside” in terms of deterring future arrivals.

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“interstitial legal categories.”

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Eight small atoll islands have already been submerged, and others like Tuvalu and the Marshall Islands face complete submersion within the next three decades.

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the legendary Woomera breakout, where more than one thousand people on the outside helped tear down fencing to allow some detainees to escape.

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Detainees in Australian detention also routinely sew their lips shut.

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CHAPTER 6 Fortress Europe

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one out of every four people attempting to enter Europe by boat dies en route.

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For every person dying in the Mediterranean, another two people are dying in the Sahara Desert in their attempts to reach Libya.

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western route traverses the border between Morocco and the enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla, which are claimed by Spain and form the only land border between Africa and Europe

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PART 3 Capitalist Globalization and Insourcing of Migrant Labor

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CHAPTER 7 Temporary Labor Migration and the New Braceros

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targeted assassination given Sacko’s organizing as a migrant farmworker from Mali and labor leader with the Unione Sindacale di Base.

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While migrant workers are temporary, temporary migration is itself permanent.

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barred from pursuing liability claims against the military contractors after a US federal judge found the deaths occurred extraterritorially, beyond US legal jurisdiction.

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(RELA), a 500,000-strong paramilitary group hunting down migrants.

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First and foremost, migrant worker programs are state-sanctioned programs of indentured work

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It’s not that global business does not want immigrant labour to the West. It simply wants this labour on its own terms

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Second, migrant worker programs are a form of legalized segregation

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migrant workers are differentially included in the nation-state.

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maintains a global division of labor pools, reinforces a border within the international working class, and segments migrant workers as “Third World” workers.

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Fourth, migrant worker programs constitute a distinct mode of racialization

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Fifth, migrant worker programs are a carceral regime with intense control, discipline, and surveillance

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Domestic Work and Global Care Chains

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estimates that the value of women’s unpaid work constitutes more than half the world’s entire labor output.

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CHAPTER 8 The Kafala System in the Gulf States

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Eighty percent of the private sector labor force in Qatar is made up of migrant workers, and migrant workers make up almost the entire private sector labor force in the UAE and Saudi Arabia.

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Most work fifteen to twenty hours a day, and many experience labor super-exploitation, intense regulation, confinement, assault, and rape.

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Kafala’s main feature is sponsorship by a citizen or corporate employer, which contractually binds the worker to the kafeel (sponsor) to maintain immigration status.

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An entire industry is wrapped around the system. Even before migrants set foot in their place of employment, they accumulate an immense debt from fees owed to recruiting agencies and labor brokers

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As soon as a charge of absconding is registered by a kafeel, the worker’s visa is canceled. Migrant workers, especially domestic workers, become unemployed, criminalized, and undocumented all at once,

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State Development and Gulf Capitalism

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problematic yet durable utilization of culture or religion to analyze political authoritarianism in the region, when, in fact, capitalism, and specifically oil as a global commodity enmeshed in imperial relations, is intimately connected to the maintenance of authoritarian regimes.

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Kafala as Capture and Control

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the centrality of migrant labor to the GCC economy cannot be overstated, with migrant workers representing a majority of the total labor force and half of the entire population.

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One migrant worker attempted or committed suicide every two and a half days in Kuwait in 2010, and an average of three suicides were committed every week by construction workers in the UAE over a similar period.

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The ironically named Saadiyat Island (island of happiness)—hosting branches of the Louvre, the Guggenheim Museum, and New York University, as well as golf courses, private residences, and hotels—is an island of misery for the workers tasked with building it in extreme heat for twelve hours a day.

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at least 5,200 workers will die—almost a dozen workers a week—in the frenzy to build stadiums, hotels, and infrastructure for the World Cup in 2022.

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CHAPTER 9 Permanently Temporary: Managed Migration in Canada

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Since 2002, the number of migrant workers entering Canada has almost quadrupled. In 2019, as many as 98,335 migrant workers, approximately 18 percent of whom were women, entered under the TFWP.

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justified the TFWP as a response to short-term labor shortages, but, in reality, there are, as Nandita Sharma puts it, “shortages of cheapened and politically subjugated labour power.”

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Despite its name and Canada’s justification for it, there is nothing temporary about the TFWP.

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scores of farmworkers have been toiling on Canadian farms for decades. Even after their tenth year in Canada, only 2 percent of SAWP workers can become permanent residents.

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Syed Hussan estimates each migrant farmworker and each domestic worker is robbed of twenty thousand and ten thousand dollars, respectively, in unpaid wages at the end of their two-year contract,

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Myth of Multicultural Canada

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killed one worker for every mile of track laid through the Rocky Mountains.

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In the early 1900s, immigration was an unconcealed expression of conquest; the Canadian immigration department was called the Department of Immigration and Colonization.

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nationwide poll found that 40 percent of Canadians believe not only that immigration is too high, but that specifically non-white immigration is too high. Between 2015 and 2019, the number of far-right groups roughly doubled.

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Seasonal Agricultural Worker Program

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The most striking example of the commodification and expendability of migrant farmworkers is medical deportation. Racist and ableist, the medical deportation of workers unable to continue working due to health conditions is ubiquitous

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Since all farmworkers already undergo extensive medical examinations before arrival—another capitalist and ableist feature of the program—most of the health conditions resulting in medical deportation are not preexisting, as employers often try to argue, but rather develop over the course of working and living in Canada. As Barrett candidly told media, “It’s worse than slavery—they dispose of them.”

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the Aquilinis and nine other billionaire families in the province have a combined net worth of $24.9 billion, equal to the total worth of a whopping 1.3 million poor and low-income people in the province.

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Caregiver Program

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PART 4 Making Race, Mobilizing Racist Nationalisms

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CHAPTER 10 Mapping the Global Far Right and the Crisis of Statelessness

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White Nationalism, Zionism, Hindutva: Ethnonationalist Bedfellows

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Penal Populism under Duterte and Bolsonaro

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European Welfare Nationalism and Imperial Gendered Racism

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Statelessness in a State-Centric World

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CHAPTER 11 Refusing Reactionary Nationalisms

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Class through the Prism of Race

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growing white supremacy is not solely a product of neoliberal austerity.

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For Roof and others, the indictment is not of poverty in general but of poverty as unfittingly experienced by white men. Their perceived loss of status does not necessarily correlate with a loss of economic security but, rather, with a loss of social privilege, an anxiety of so-called racial inferiors being treated as equals, and their revanchist belief that globalization results in the waning power of white males.

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Lou Cornum puts forward, “The transformation of land into property, which could then be seized, is inseparable from the transformation of people into property, who could then be banned from considerations of humanity.”

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Making of “Foreigner” through Nationalist Identities

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Right-wing nationalism is a bourgeois nationalism, and in our struggles against capitalist austerity we must emphasize that our enemy arrives in a limousine and not on a boat.

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In the mid-1970s, shortly after the historic and victorious Delano grape strike in California, farmworker leader César Chávez led a campaign against “wetbacks” and reported undocumented workers to federal authorities. His cousin Manuel Chávez led union members in setting up a “wet line” of tents along a stretch of the border to detect, prevent, and even assault undocumented migrants crossing from Mexico. For Chávez, undocumented laborers were strikebreakers who undermined the power of local farmworker organizing.

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migrant workers don’t suppress wages; bosses and borders do.

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continue to work as intended for capitalist interests: channeling irregular migration into precarious labor migration, lowering the wage floor for all workers, and expanding carceral governance.

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Given deterritorialized capital, nationalism is positioned as a positive territorializing force.

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Capitalist globalization is not contingent on a small state; a muscular state is actually required to discipline and criminalize populations under austerity regimes. Therefore, those who believe the state can protect us against capitalism misrecognize the state as having “withered” under globalization.

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Here, the propositions of the mainstream left and the far right insidiously converge. Neoliberal globalization as a new phenomenon infringing national sovereignty only holds if the globalized cataclysms of enslavement, conquest, and indentureship—central to Western national economies—are erased and the violences of the past are sanitized.

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Flames of Eco-fascism

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Conclusion

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Afterword

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Notes

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