- tags
- Algorithmic Discrimination
Notes
‘ 'traps '’ that result from attempts to transpose discrimination laws to algorithmic machines and their biases.
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‘Why hire a lawyer? I'll make myself one!’ And Trurl went home, threw six heaping teaspoons of transistors into a big pot, added again as many condensers and resistors, poured electrolyte over it, stirred well and covered tightly with a lid, then went to bed, and in three days the mixture had organized itself into a first-rate lawyer.—Stanisław Lem, The Cyberiad, 1965
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Introduction
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‘challenge of regulatory connection’. It pictures the law and law-making as slow, lagging behind, and barely able to catch up with fast-evolving technologies,
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implicit analogy between the ‘digital’ and the ‘human’ realms which provides justificatory force for treating them alike.
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three central ‘traps’ that result from analogical reasoning in legal attempts to address algorithmic discrimination.
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I. Framing regulatory objects: locating legal intervention in the socio-technical system
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two main routes can be taken to ‘bridge' the normative interstices that emerge when new technologies are deployed.
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purposive interpretation of existing rules
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second route involves adopting new regulations
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The tech industry deploys powerful frames to influence how regulatory problems are constructed, perceived and addressed by regulators.
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framing technology as the relevant regulatory site amounts to a first analogy trap
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A. Technical frames: the problem with centering algorithmic systems
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legal intervention requires identifying the locus of discrimination. Analogical reasoning sets what Selbst et al. call a ‘framing trap’, that is it induces a focus on ‘the algorithmic frame’ and thereby fails ‘to model the entire system’.
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Critical accounts of anti-discrimination law deplore its overemphasis on perpetrators, for example single decision-makers.
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the ‘black box boundary’ is drawn around the technical element alone, excluding its context of intervention and its interaction with organisational processes, cognitive schemes and ideological frameworks.
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Discrimination that can neither be attributed to bad tech nor to a given perpetrator risks falling into a liability gap.
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sources of discrimination that cannot be traced to discrete bad mechanisms are bracketed, dismissed as someone else’s problem or, worse, couched as untouchable facts of history’.
discrimination is not a product of biased algorithms alone, but is rather co-produced at the intersection of epistemic, social and technical practices,
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algorithms become viewed as one of the ingredients of discrimination alongside – but not separate from – human decisions, organisational processes and value frameworks.
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developers argue that the system makes ‘realistic predictions for job seekers belonging to disadvantaged groups’ which reflect ‘the harsh reality’
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Analogies between human perpetrators of discrimination and technical systems cannot adequately account for such entangled agency.
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the profiling system had been branded as a way to ensure the objectivity of the decision-making process. Yet the developers’ defence against accusations of bias was to present the system as a simple ‘measure of “technical support” for the AMS workers’, a ‘second opinion’ and a ‘mere add-on’
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liability mechanisms in discrimination law must be revisited to reflect the mechanics of co-production of algorithmic discrimination within socio-technical assemblages.
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strategic approximation of responsibility for discrimination
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biased algorithmic recommendations should arguably be conceptualised as ‘instructions to discriminate’.
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B. The bias trap: the limits of legal interventions against bias
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‘bias’ has come to be perceived as the relevant site for regulatory intervention.
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algorithmic discrimination is framed as ‘mere accidents that are ‘caused,’ if at all, by biases that ‘sneak in’ to the system’.
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‘glitch’ narrative depicts bias as an exogenous and occasional ‘error’ that accidentally enters algorithmic systems.
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Designating bias as a regulatory object encourages technical fixes such as bias mitigation and debiasing strategies.
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‘locat[e] the problems and solutions in algorithmic inputs and outputs, shifting political problems into the domain of design’
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‘concentrat[ing] power in the hands of service providers, giving them (and not lawmakers) the discretion to decide what counts as discrimination, when it occurs and how to address it’.
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Bias itself only leads to discrimination because it is inscribed in, and interacts with, existing vectors of inequality. Hence, addressing algorithmic discrimination requires addressing the whole socio-technical system,
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emphasis on the need for clean and representative data tends to obfuscate more systemic causes of algorithmic discrimination.
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‘if the data represent something wrong or biased, what should they represent instead?’
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‘the alternative to biased data from the current society is not neutral data but data based on a political decision on what society should be like
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Meaningful legal intervention against algorithmic discrimination therefore requires understanding the structural conditions and societal implications of its (re)production. In turn, this demands highlighting the material choices and ideologies that drive the design and deployment of technologies.
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bequeaths responsibility for biased data to society at large.
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C. Outside the (black) box: imagining alternative legal architectures
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Framing the problem of algorithmic discrimination as technical feeds into what Kling calls ‘reinforcement politics’ by empowering tech experts, providers and users of AI to define and solve it.
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a socio-technical reading of algorithmic discrimination gives visibility to the ways in which bias is enacted through specific usages of technologies,
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The ex post individual redress system in anti-discrimination law, which places the burden of proof and redress on the shoulders of individual victims, should be complemented by public supervision, collective action and a low threshold for triggering rebuttable presumptions of algorithmic discrimination.
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II. Troubled subjects: algorithmic clustering and legal subjectivation techniques
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the clash between algorithmic subjects, often described as clusters and profiles predicated on big data analytics, and the functional categorisations operated by non- discrimination law to grant protection, for example on the basis of gender or ethnicity.
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A. Protected groups vs. algorithmic clusters: the disaggregation of collective legal subjects
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Non-discrimination law functionally defines two main units of protection: the individual victim of discrimination and the protected group.
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the notion of protected ‘ground’,
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These protected categories serve as ‘proxies’ for vectors of disadvantage and inequality that society perceives as morally unfair
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non-discrimination law enacts specific regulatory subjects through categorisation operations that are premised on the relative stability, salience and identifiability of given social groups.
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both fundamental units of subjectivity – the autonomous individual and the socially identifiable group – fade away in the face of algorithmic rationality.
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lack of overlap between legal categorisations and algorithmic groupings.
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algorithmic clusters ‘defy stable expressions of collective representation and social recognition’ and ‘disrupt some central tenets of social relationality and collectivity embedded in modernist ideals of the liberal legal subject’.
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Stability of legally protected grounds vs volatility of algorithmic clusters
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Data subjects are clustered in provisional and unstable aggregates that are recomposed as data fluctuates and technological deployment shifts.
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Intelligibility of protected categories vs. correlational algorithmic clustering
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The normative implications of algorithmic clusters can only be comprehended at the complex intersection of machine processes, social practices, human cognition and value frameworks.
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Algorithmic clustering creates ‘non-publics’ or ‘phantom publics’ that undermine key premises for the application of non-discrimination law, namely visibility, mutual recognition and collective action.
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unintelligibility of algorithmic groupings also undermines the conditions for mutual recognition and collective action upon which the actionability of non-discrimination norms is premised.
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The lack of mutual recognition and basis for collective action undermines or delays accountability.
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Social salience of protected grounds vs contingency of algorithmic subjectivity
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algorithmic modes of subjectivation erode the social salience of collective legal subjects.
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The raison d’être of algorithmic groupings is their exploitability and actionability for decision-making, which themselves depend upon economic rationality and profit-making logics.
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collective algorithmic subjects do not exist outside of specific assemblages and cannot be comprehended when abstracted from the purpose of these assemblages.
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B. The individual vs. the data user: the fading of autonomy and dignity
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Individual self-definition vs algorithmic stereotyping
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Algorithmic subject-making strips individuals from the power of definition over their identity.
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Even though they condition access to valuable social goods and institutions, individual legal subjects are deprived from any control over algorithmic subjectivation techniques.
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protect individuals’ dignity understood as the right to identity-building and singularity.
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Algorithmic decision-making systems produce pattern-based individualised or personalised – as opposed to individual or personal – decisions.
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Individual autonomy vs algorithmic opacity
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III. Displacing modes of reasoning: from comparison to ground truth and from rights to risks
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A. Comparative heuristics and the ‘ground truth’ question
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Causal Inference
Non-discrimination law hinges on the comparability of applicants’ situation with others who do not belong to protected categories.
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but for a protected ground, two people or groups would have been treated the same.
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The illegibility of algorithmic subjectivity saps individuals’ ability to compare themselves to activate non-discrimination law and, potentially, judges’ ability to assess algorithmic discrimination.
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‘smart digital technologies make pattern- based, personalized decisions rather than principled, generalizable ones, and they don’t give reasons for – or even draw attention to – the choices they make’.
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Profiling and inferential predictions also take away the possibility to establish a stable counter- factual ‘other’.
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there can only be bias if algorithmic rankings can be contrasted with a good or fair representation’.
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B. The proportionality test: from a rights-based to a risk-based assessment
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conflation of two very different understandings of the notion of proportionality.
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Indirect discrimination, by contrast to direct discrimination, can be justified if the incriminated ‘provision, criterion or practice is objectively justified by a legitimate aim
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prima facie discrimination can be considered proportionate
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discrimination that might not give rise to exclusion from a tangible good or service in a given moment, but the accumulation of which over time might severely diminish a subject’s autonomy, dignity and quality of life.
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Even though the AI Act proclaims complementarity with fundamental rights legislation, the semantics of risks, health and safety and fundamental rights provide for an uneasy blending.
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Determining the threshold for ‘acceptable’ ‘residual risks’ is a highly normative task that seems to lay almost entirely in the hands of providers and users.
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The risk balancing operated by the EU AI Act is in fact alien to the very philosophy and rationale underpinning fundamental rights law.
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strict judicial review that is at odds with the portraying of fundamental rights as mere ‘interests’ in the balance of risks.
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Conclusion
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